The Korean Public Administration Review (KPAR), which has published quarterly volumes since its establishment in 1967, is the official journal of the Korean Association for Public Administration(KAPA). As a scholarly journal, KPAR not only hold the highest authority in the field of public administration in South Korea, but also in social science. Since the National Research Foundation of Korea began evaluating journals, KPAR has been listed in the Korea Citation Index (KCI) journal index.
The purpose of this study was to identify the origin and trace the early spread of the term ‘行政’ in China, Japan, and South Korea. From a historical perspective, the evolution of the term 行政, which translates to “public administration” in English, is a fundamental question in public administration studies. Three major questions were addressed: First, when did the term 行政 appear, and how was 行政 translated? Second, who played a part in the process of its creation and diffusion? Third, what are the differences between the three countries? A historical approach was used to answer these questions. The period analyzed was until 1911, which is the year in which the last of the three countries officially adopted the term. The findings are as follows: 行法 first appeared in 1838 in Singapore, then in China, and the Meiji government in Japan retranslated “public administration” as 行政 in 1868; 行政 replaced 行法 over time. Japan played a central role in spreading the term 行政 to China and Korea. Unlike China and Japan, South Korea did not have a period of using 行法, nor was it involved in the process to create the term 行政. The term was accepted in 1868 during the Meiji Restoration period in Japan, by the Gabo Reform (甲午改革) in South Korea in 1895, and through the Provisional Government Organization Act (臨時政府組織大綱) in China in 1911. The use of the term 行政 delineates the moment that each of the three countries began to move toward the adoption of a constitutional system, a separation of power, and a shift from a monarchical sovereignty to a people’s sovereignty. These findings have significant implications for our understanding of the term 行政 and the early days of public administration.
行政, historical approach, comparison of China, Japan, and South Korea, ‘行政’, 역사적 접근, 한국, 중국, 일본의 비교
Government bureaucracy is a vehicle with which the president implements policies and tries to achieve his or her political goals. It is a subject of the president’s political control, as its expertise-based political powers could possibly overshadow the presidential executive leadership. This study analyzes the effects of the president’s control of government bureaucracy in his or her policy space. The policy space of the president stands for the scope of public policies that he or she could pursue while taking into account their implementational feasibility. The president would try to control bureaucracy so as to delimit its autonomy and concurrently expand his or her policy space. However, would the presidential control of bureaucracy be necessarily conducive to the expansion of the policy space? This study also focuses on the possibility of contraction of the policy space, as the attempt to control could result in unexpected behavioral responses on the part of bureaucracy. The empirical analysis using a survey of mid- and high-ranking public officials reveals, first, that the presidential control of bureaucracy is positively associated with the expansion of the policy space, as it suppresses bureaucracy’s arbitrary and bigoted behaviors. Second, at the same time, however, presidential control would result in contraction of the policy space, as it reinforces the instrumentality behavior of bureaucracy in the forms of passive and lukewarm compliance, as well as avoidance of responsibility. And third, the instrumentality behavior of bureaucracy negatively mediates the association between presidential control of bureaucracy and presidential policy space.
president, presidential control of bureaucracy, policy space, instrumentality behavior of bureaucracy, 대통령, 관료 통제, 정책공간, 관료의 도구적 행태
In the VUCA era, various and complex administrative needs, policy problems, and wicked issues are exploding. A wicked issue such as COVID-19 can no longer be addressed by individual organizational units, but must be approached through communication, cooperation, coordination, and collaboration among various organizations and actors. Although collaborative public administration has been frequently used in administrative practice in recent years, theoretical research on it is still insufficient. In this study, in a context where the practice of collaborative public administration is more important, the theory is also discussed more systematically and rigorously. In order to construct a theory on the drivers and constraints of collaborative public administration, a theoretical frame of reference is established through the logic and process of the theoretical construction of collaborative public administration, theoretical origins of collaboration, similar terms, concepts and types of collaboration, and the drivers and constraints of collaboration. Key factors (concepts or variables) related to the drivers and constraints of collaborative administration are then deduced. In particular, among the factors that form and promote collaborative public administration, wicked issues and convergence, post-NPM, and collaborative leadership are selected as key factors; and among the various constraining factors that make collaborative public administration difficult, administrative culture, organizational silos, and the passive behaviors of public servants are selected as key factors to analyze in depth. The key factors related to the drivers and constraints of collaborative public administration according to the theoretical frame of reference can be used as a basis for hypotheses in future studies and as criteria for empirical studies related to collaborative public administration, so this study can be said to make a significant contribution to the theorizing process.
collaborative public administration, driving forces and constraints, theory building, 협업행정, 동인 및 제약, 이론구성
Since regulatory impact analysis was actively adopted worldwide for the purpose of regulatory quality management in the 1990s, the importance of regulatory cost-benefit analysis has been emphasized as a key policy tool. However, recently, as public communication and participation in the policy process have been more emphasized, regulatory consultation is also drawing more attention as an important tool for regulatory quality management. This study empirically investigates how well cost-benefit analysis and regulatory consultation with stakeholders are utilized as policy tools and what kinds of relationships they have in the current regulatory quality management system. For preliminary analysis, OECD iREG survey results and departmental evaluation results for regulatory innovation in Korea are utilized. They reveal a positive relationship between cost-benefit analysis and regulatory consultation. The results of the subsequent main analysis of 4,284 RIA statements in 2016 -2019 also confirm that more active regulatory consultations have a positive effect on the possibility of conducting a more substantial cost-benefit analysis. In addition, according to the results of a regression analysis using the instrument variable for enhanced cost-benefit analysis, it turns out that the positive influence can also be applicable in the reverse direction. In conclusion, these results empirically confirm the existing theoretical discussion that the policy tools of economic analysis and political discussion have synergistic effects for increasing the quality of government regulations, and suggest the need for balanced development and utilization of these economic and political tools in the regulatory management system.
This paper examines whether a higher level of universal health coverage (UHC) would enhance the effectiveness of responses to COVID-19. This research analyzed the effect of out-of-pocket health expenditures on the effectiveness of responses to COVID-19 through the mediating effect of diagnostics testing. The findings suggest that the impact of the share of out-of-pocket health expenditures on the fatality rate is not direct, and it is mediated by diagnostic testing, but it does not affect the number of confirmed cases per million. The conclusion drawn from the case studies is that the argument that UHC would result in a more effective response to COVID-19 is not appropriate. Furthermore, the relationship between UHC and the effectiveness of responses can vary depending on national characteristics, such as the medical system and regional distribution; government’s awareness and response to COVID-19; living conditions; the levels of social security; etc. The findings contribute to the debate about the direction of health care reform for responding to infectious disease outbreaks after the COVID-19 pandemic.
COVID-19, universal health coverage, diagnostic testing, 코로나19, 보편적 건강보장, 진단검사
The major discussion on how learning occurs in the policy process is based on a rationalist logic that presupposes an actor who uses knowledge for policy improvement. However, in the actual policy process, policymakers have political motives, such as maintaining the legitimacy of power and blame avoidance through the experience of past policy failures, and for this purpose they use relative knowledge. This study analyzed the legislative process of self-quarantine in Korea from MERS in 2015 to the beginning of the COVID-19 worldwide lockdown in March 2020, and compared policy-oriented learning and power-oriented learning among policymakers in each outbreak. This study found that the partial revision in Dec. 2015 (MERS) failed to enact legislation because only a weak level of policy-oriented learning occurred, while in March 2020 (COVID-19) it was achieved by combining the power-oriented learning of politicians and the policy-oriented learning of bureaucrats, based on the experience of the MERS situation.
This study analyzes and verifies whether policy naming is related to policy acceptance. To this end, we wanted to present the relationship between the components of the policy name and the acceptance of the policy through a theoretical review and to confirm the hypothesis relationship through statistical verification. The structural equation analysis was performed using the survey data of 215 experts in the relevant field. The analysis results are as follows. First, among the factors that directly affect policy acceptance, attitude showed a positive relationship, and the policy shape was identified as negative. The results of the policy form were found to be different from those of the preceding research, requiring further verification. Second, the policy shape was found to be statistically significant (p<0.001) and to have confirmed the positive relationship to attitude. It could be inferred that the policy shape was a factor that did not directly increase policy acceptance but could have an indirect effect. Third, recognition was found to be statistically significant, showing positive relationships with both policy shape and attitude. The relationship between recognition and attitude is consistent with studies that have long been identified in the field of psychology, and the result is that the relationship between recognition and policy form is positive. Fourth, the expression of language was identified as a major independent variable in the name of the policy, as it was confirmed that there was a positive relationship with recognition. Finally, an analysis of indirect relationships taking into account parameters confirmed that the effects of language expression could affect policy naming in various ways, and that policymakers should consider terms from the citizen's perspective along with context, taking into account the power of language.
components of policy naming, policy acceptance, acceptance model of policy naming, 정책명칭 구성개념, 정책수용, 정책명칭 수용모형
This paper empirically studies how institutional accountability can affect conservative accounting choices, and how it varies among accounts. To analyze the effects of performance information-providing mechanisms as horizontal accountability and the moderate effect of information sharing as an essential factor of the accountability process, the panel fixed effect model was tested using the uncollected tax/nontax revenue allowance rate from FY2009 to FY2018. Regarding democratic control of local governments, the results of the integrity measurement by the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission were measured as performance information, and the information sharing between forums and agents in the process of accountability was measured as an information disclosure rate. The results show that information sharing weakens the positive impact of performance information on conservative accounting choices for uncollected tax, while in uncollected nontaxable revenue, information sharing weakens the impact of performance information that lowers the allowance rate of doubtful accounts, leading to more conservative accounting choices. Based on this, theoretical and policy implications are presented.
This study investigates how much the perception of fairness and life satisfaction affects local government trust in Korea. This research divides fairness into perception of fairness at the individual level and perception of fairness at the institutional level (central and local government, front-line administrative agency). In addition, we divide the region into the metropolitan area and the non-metropolitan area, and empirically examine whether there are regional differences in the perception of trust of local governments. The results reveal that the perception of fairness influences individuals’ perception of local government trust in both metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas. Unlike the non-metropolitan model, there is no relation between the fairness perception to central government trust and local government trust. Based on these results, we suggest the need for fair distribution policies and administrative services to prevent social polarization.
local government, trust, life satisfaction, fairness, (non)metropolitan, 정부 신뢰, 지방, 공정성, 삶의 만족, (비)수도권
Governance of information sharing networks using info-centric analysis: Focusing on response cases to routine emergencies (building fires) in Busan Buk-Bu Fire Station 정보중심분석법(Info-centric Analysis)을 활용한 정보공유 네트워크 거버넌스 연구: 부산 북부소방서의 일상적 긴급 상황(건축물화재) 대응 사례를 중심으로
Improving the quantity and quality of public safety services requires the participation of many entities. In previous research, “coordination over the network” was recognized as a major factor for effective response. The importance of the network perspective has been found, but the cause of adjustment failure has not yet been fully addressed. This study adopted info-centric analysis to observe coordination in routine emergencies managed at the individual organization level, rather than disasters. By limiting the relations to the information exchanged, it was possible to demonstrate information sharing networks by type and to identify the substance and deviation of their structural patterns. Even in response to simple threats, information sharing relied on LO-NAO hybrid network governance rather than the member-led form. In contrast to other information types, coordination and command information resulted in a lower central-peripheral fitness value during the peak period of activity (T2). The usefulness of info-centric analysis has been demonstrated through the resolution of the research questions. Follow-up research on emergency situations and disasters other than building fires is required with the aim of expanding the relevant techniques. The policy implications are to provide the basis for the inspection of information sharing protocols, the expansion of the role of NAO as a knowledge management entity, and the introduction of interoperability promotion programs for integrated emergency management.
info-centric analysis, routine emergency, network governance, coordination over the network, 정보중심분석법, 일상적 긴급상황, 네트워크 거버넌스
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